|คำค้น||:||นโยบายสาธารณ , ประเทศญี่ปุ่น , ผลประโยชน์|
|อ้างอิง||:||http://elibrary.trf.or.th/project_content.asp?PJID=RDG5010011 , http://research.trf.or.th/node/5088|
This research raises a key question concerning which actors in the Japanese political economy hold a real power in making public policy -- whether the locus of policymaking resides in the executive (prime minister and influences cabinet), or in the ruling party, or in the government bureaucracy and examines the role and influence of interest groups in the process of policy making. There was a general consensus that during the 1950s and 1960s the main actor which dominated decision–making consisted of the power elite often characterized as an iron triangle of bureaucracy, the ruling LDP and the big business (and farmers’ organization). However, since the late 1960s due to social and economic changes, the process of policy-making has developed into pluralism, but a kind of “limited” pluralism in that although there was a multitude of interest groups -- economic types of interest groups or otherwise, only a few interest groups such as big business and farmers’ organization have an important role and influence in shaping policy. These interest groups have formed a close tie with ruling LDP politicians the so-called zoku-giin and with the bureaucrats. At the same time, while these few interest groups are closely tied to government centers of power -- thereby gaining special treatment, they could also be vulnerable to control and manipulation by this power centers in order to fulfill the government’s policy goals in accordance with the corporatist model as was attested by a case study of Japanese government’s decision to sign the Free Trade Agreement or Economic Partnership Agreement with some countries,including Thailand Regardless whichever process and pattern of Japanese policy-making fit the pluralist or corporatist models, during the era of the LDP’s dominance in Japan’s politics, the center of power in policy decision was not in the hands of the prime minister and cabinet as was the case in parliamentary system such as in Britain where the executive led by prime minister and cabinet took initiative and control in making policy. Japanese prime minister who was an effective agenda-setter and policy initiator was an exception to the rule. Japan has weak cabinet system which tends to rubber-stamped policy proposed by others. Before the arrival of Prime Minister Koizumi, most of the policies initiated by prime minister must be screened by various committees of LDP which could reject or waterdown the prime minister’s policy proposal. However, as Japan has been facing with the mounting economic problems since the bursting of economic bubble in the early 1990s and the intensifying globalization, Japan has to open its market wider in order to compete with the foreign products, an attempt has been made to reform policy-making system to enable the government’s leaders taking initiative in tackling the protracted economic slowdown, such as strengthening the prime minister’s office (kantei). When Koizumi assumed premiership in April 2001, he centralized the policy decision and exercising his leadership in pursuing his neo-liberal policy and successfully privatized postal services and concluded FTA/EPA with some countries, including Thailand However, his successors from his own LDP reverted to the old-styled LDP politics based on protecting vested interests which led to the stagnant economic structural reform and the bureaucrats remained powerful and played the dominance role in policy-making. After the LDP’s crushing defeat the new government led by the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), inspired by the British model of policy-making, attempts to consolidate decisionmaking powers in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and Cabinet and removing the bureaucrats from making policy in order to implement its election campaign manifesto. Change in the policymaking process by centralizing power in the PMO and Cabinet makes it likely that government will take a broader view of national interest and of Japan’s role in the larger economic world. This may result in less influence by the special interest groups. The content of policy may be less regulatory, less protectionist, and more open to foreign penetration of the economy and to consumer interests How changing politics and style of public policy-making in Japan impinge on other countries will depend on the issue involved. As for Thailand, given the relative decline of the electoral power of Japanese rice growers, this change should offer a good opportunity for Thailand to urge the Japanese government to expand import quota for Thai rice. Moreover,in view of the that in the past, Japan’s well – protected agricultural sector encountered only Japanese exporters of industrial products who were worried about Japanese trading partner’s possible retaliation if Japan continues to protect its agricultural sector. Nowadays, however, there are many Japanese business and industries affected by Japanese government’s sky-high protective farming tariffs -- such as, general trading company, processed-food industries, supermarket -- are protesting Agricultural, Forestry and Fishery Ministry over its high tariff in protecting domestic agricultural producers. The Thai government and private sectors should therefore seek to ally with such Japanese business and industries, as well as some large-scale farmers who are distancing themselves from the stance of agricultural cooperatives, which are dead set against opening the rice market to imports in order to put greater pressure on the Japanese government to import more rice from Thailand. In addition, as the current DPJ-led government is attempting to increase the role of politicians in policy-making, the Thai authorities and business sector should build close relationship with the ruling-party members of the Diet, especially those who are considered “friends of Thailand” to help lobby the Japanese government.
ไชยวัฒน์ ค้ำชู . (2554). กลุ่มผลประโยชน์กับการกำหนดนโยบายสาธารณะในประเทศญี่ปุ่น: พลวัตรของการเปลี่ยนแปลงและนัยที่มีต่อประเทศไทย.
กรุงเทพมหานคร : สำนักงานกองทุนสนับสนุนการวิจัย.
ไชยวัฒน์ ค้ำชู . 2554. "กลุ่มผลประโยชน์กับการกำหนดนโยบายสาธารณะในประเทศญี่ปุ่น: พลวัตรของการเปลี่ยนแปลงและนัยที่มีต่อประเทศไทย".
กรุงเทพมหานคร : สำนักงานกองทุนสนับสนุนการวิจัย.
ไชยวัฒน์ ค้ำชู . "กลุ่มผลประโยชน์กับการกำหนดนโยบายสาธารณะในประเทศญี่ปุ่น: พลวัตรของการเปลี่ยนแปลงและนัยที่มีต่อประเทศไทย."
กรุงเทพมหานคร : สำนักงานกองทุนสนับสนุนการวิจัย, 2554. Print.
ไชยวัฒน์ ค้ำชู . กลุ่มผลประโยชน์กับการกำหนดนโยบายสาธารณะในประเทศญี่ปุ่น: พลวัตรของการเปลี่ยนแปลงและนัยที่มีต่อประเทศไทย. กรุงเทพมหานคร : สำนักงานกองทุนสนับสนุนการวิจัย; 2554.